Ljubomir Kljakić

WHY THE QUESTION OF FUTURE STATUS OF KOSOVO AND METOHIJA ACCTUALY IS THE QUESTION OF FUTURE STATUS OF SERBIA AND WHY THE ANSWER IS THE KEY TO OUR COMMON HUMAN FUTURE



1. The current and future status of Kosovo-Metohija is not, nor can it be, a sui generis case. The ongoing talks about the current and future status of the Province are at the same time the talks about the current and future status of the Republic of Serbia. Further, these talks are also about the current and future configuration and character of the international relations in genera and about the future configuration of world power in particular. Thus, the future status of Kosovo and Metohija is, in fact, the question of future status of the Republic of Serbia, but also a issue of critical momentum for the character and features of future world affairs overall. Consequently, this is a world issue. And for this reason it is fair to say – the question of the Republic of Serbia is a world question. In other words, the Serbian question is a world question

2. Why is that so? That is so because the solution of current debates regarding the future status of Kosovo and Metohija, or namely, the decisions to be taken about the status of the Republic of Serbia and the Serbian question in general, will not be the last stage in the decade long war for Yugoslav succession (1991 - 2001), as some protagonists of these events quite dubiously claim. The very opposite is the case. That is to say, it is this solution and these decisions, whatever they turn out to be, that will actually provide a conceptual model and the initial momentum for a new cycle of regional, continental and world transformations in international relations, international law and international affairs in general. Whether such a conceptual model and initial momentum will further accelerate and amplify the present world transitional crisis or mark the exit from that crisis is contingent on the character of the future status of Kosovo and Metohija and on decisions to be taken with regard to the international status of the Republic of Serbia and the Serbian question.

3. To be concrete, should "independent Kosovo" – as the second Albanian state in Europe – be unilaterally declared and should such illegal and illegitimate act earn the recognition by some states, then this forcible and illegal fragmentation of the Republic of Serbia will accelerate and amplify the world transition crisis. The "Kosovo model" wоuld then strongly boost the potentials and aspirations of those who, by way of responding to the epochal challenge of the world system historical demission, offer the new feudal world order. Each protagonist of new feudalism – be they traditional, such as various secessionist groups and movements worldwide, or modern, like global corporations – could then invoke the "Kosovo model" as an example of how more smaller states can be proclaimed by mere will and violence. Certain projections of this trend warn of a world partition into more than 400 states in the foreseeable future. Under such assumptions, the concentration of world power would reach proportions unparalleled in our history. The ultimate impact of this course of events is not difficult to imagine – a world crumbled into several hundred small states and ruled by some or just one single global corporation with unlimited imperial power. Such a world would be organized as a world corporate empire, a totalitarian world in which the T.I.N.A (There Is No Alternative) dogma has reached its final goals. An unbearably bad world.

4. But the opposite scenario can be similarly considered. If in attempts to resolve the Kosmet crisis, a sustainable, long term solution, acceptable to all stakeholders and based on international law is reached, it would set a model for resolving structurally identical problems elsewhere and thus, the scope of the world transition crisis would be significantly mitigated. The Kosmet crisis settlement plan put forward by the Republic of Serbia is grounded in and developed on these assumptions. Although this fact is ignored, there can be no doubt that this is an innovative proposal. A close and impartial observer will easily note in it the influence of the very best that the modern history of political theory and institutions has to offer, including the theory of governance and selfgovernance versus the theory of rule, as well as the concept of horizontal and vertical network relations between different actors and levels of governance and selfgovernance. If the Republic of Serbia’s plan for the Kosmet crisis settlement were affected and operationalized, then the "Kosovo model" would become a blueprint for resolving structurally identical problems worldwide. The scope of the world transition crisis would thus be substantially moderated and the existing system of international relations and world power configuration could enter an era of nonconflict innovation and reforms. The global impact of this process could definitely be the establishment of sustainable principles of a world democratic republic, and by no means a world corporate empire.

5. Therefore, the Kosmet crisis neither is nor can it be a sui generis case, a unique case that is ideally isolated from the time and space entirety of the world in which it emerged. After all, it is well known that ideally isolated cases in the system of international relations are as impossible as ideally isolated laboratory experiments. However, what I particularly wish to underline here is the fact that in both cases, the solution emanating from current debates over the future Kosovo and Metohija status, namely decisions regarding the status of the Republic of Serbia and the Serbian question, will set a conceptual framework, model and a initial momentum for the next and new cycle of global transformations. Why? Because we are dealing with one of those structural constant which substantially impact on the dynamics of global processes. That this is a constant of substantial bearing on the dynamics of global processes is clearly confirmed through 8.000 years of history – from the days of the agrarian civilization of neolithic Vinča until today.

6. History has proved that the Balkan peninsula is one of the structural constants of the world order and world power configuration. Given its geography, climate, history, civilization, technology, culture, its social, psychological an, not least, ethical context, it is a space where balance of oder and power configuration of world affairs is either set or upset. The Balkans Peninsula is thus a medial structure of world affairs and their configuration. Serbia has been lying at the very centre of this medial structure.

7. If we visualize the Balkan Peninsula as a medial structure in the shape of an atom, we will see that, in this simple image, Serbia's position is that of the atom's nucleus. As we know, if the nucleus of an atom is subjected to the process of splitting or fission, the consequence will be the release of an inordinate amount of uncontrolled destructive energy. On the other hand, if the nucleus is exposed to fusion, the result is an equally enormous volume of energy, however, controlled and non-destructive. In other words, if in line with the trend of establishing a world corporate empire, the Republic of Serbia is subjected to fission, a huge amount of uncontrolled and destructive energy will be released worldwide. Conversely, if the trend of building a world democratic republic is pursued, and the Republic of Serbia undergoes the process of fusion, immense, however, controlled and non-destructive, i.e. creative human enery will be released worldwide.

8. At this moment, the world order, its institutes, the configuration of power and international affairs in general are taking shape and becoming crystal clear at their focal point from which either fission or fusion can be generated. This focal point is Serbia which in our simple picture is placed at the nucleus of the Balkan Penisula median structure in world affairs. As we know, the present moment in world affairs is just a stage in the so called world conservative revolution launched in 1981 by Margaret Thatcher (British Prime Minister from Maz 1979 to November 1990) and Ronald Reagan (U.S. President from January 1981 to November 1989) within the coordinates of a new feudalism, its neoliberal T.I.N.A doctrine ( There is no Alternative) and its world corporate empire.

9. At this point, it seems fitting that we remind ourselves of the fact that it was in Kosmet indeed that one of the first episodes of the so-called world conservative revolution took place. It was on March 26, 1981 when in Prishtina and other towns in the Province, well organized and synchronized anti-Serb and anti-Yugoslav demonstrations of the Albanian ethnic community broke out. The demonstrators' principal demand was voiced in their slogan: Kosovo – Republic! The crisis triggered by these events has not ended to this day. That is, it has been going on for 26 years. From the experience of these 26 years and the knowledge we have today, especially about the so-called Operation Gladio in Italy and other European countries, as well as about the Operation Condor in South America, it is evident that this crisis was induced and maintaned for 26 years as an instrument of subversive, cold-war strategy of tension and the so-called false flag strategy, mastered to perfection in the United States. In support of such conclusion, I would also like to mention the NATO pact 1972 phased plan for destabilizing and breaking up of Yugoslavia. The initial phase in the implementation of this plan was to be organized and launched in Kosovo and Metohija. The plan also envisaged that events to be initiated with the crisis in Kosovo and Metohija, should be set in motion shortly after the death of Josip Broz Tito. And indeed, the events started as mentioned on March 26, 1981, less than a year following Tito's death. This was one of the first, if not the very first, episode of the so-called world conservative revolution, its new feudalism and its world corporate empire. This cycle of transformations is presently at its final point. Interestingly, the venue of this last, or one of the last episodes of the so-called world conservative revolution is the place where it originally began in 1981 – Kosovo and Metohija.

10. The visible shape of the current stage of the so-called world conservative revolution and its world corporate empire is the building up of a next world power configuration. Thus, after the experience of the tripartite world some thirty years ago, we are once again witnessing the formation of a new, trilateral configuration of world power. By contrast to the First, Second and the Third World of the seventies, the ongoing process is shaping up through delicate tension in the partnership between the United States of America, European Union, meaning the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Russian Federation. Although this structure is not yet stabilized, it is interesting that its perspective is already decided. On the horizon of future events we can see China, as well as India and probably Brazil – where rich sources of oil were discovered just recently – which will transform this trilateral configuration into a pentagonal or hexagonal shape some twenty years from now.

11. Anyway, the current phase transformation of world power in the visible part of the historical spectrum is unfolding at the focal point and is manifested in the debate about the present and future status of Kosovo and Metohija. The choice facing the United States of America, European Union, meaning the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Russian Federation in this matter is a simple choice with dramatically different consequences. It is a choice between fission and fusion, a choice between a world corporate empire and a world democratic republic. For many years to come, our common human future will be determined by this choice.


Note: Paper presented at the International Conference: Kosovo and Metohija as a Global Problem, University of Belgrade Law School, 15 - 18 November, 2007, organized by the Student Parliament of the Belgrade University School of Law; Friday, November 16, 2007, session entitled: Global Perspectives; speakers at the session (by order of address) were: Ljubomir Kljakić, assistant Minister for Kosovo i Metohija, Serbian Government; Prof. dr George Charles Thomas Raju, Marquette University, Milwokee, Wisconsin, USA; Prof. dr Hakan Wiberg, Danish Institute for International Studies, TFF; Prof. dr Slobodan Samardžić, University of Belgrade, Faculty of Political Sciences, Minister for Kosovo i Metohija, Serbian Government.